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Trump’s Attacks on Big Law Firms Have


It is a milestone of American democracy, sanctioned in the first amendment of the Constitution: people have the right to challenge the actions of their leaders. Countless citizens, companies and others have exercised this right by meaning legal actions against the United States government.

This has been happening for more than 200 years. But the burst of At least 150 legal causes Against the second Trump administration, challenging many of his staff policies and decisions, it is perhaps not unparalleled in the history of the United States. And in the dozen of cases, the judges ordered the administration to pause or reverse actions in the heart of the agenda of President Trump.

Trump and the lawyers of his administration are fighting in court, but they are also pursuing a much more ambitious and consequential goal: to dissuade the lawyers from suits his administration in the first place.

In a series of recent executive orders, Trump has limited the ability of some important law firms, including those who employed his perceived political enemies, interact with the federal government. Among the rational declared of the president was that part of the work done by companies hinders the immigration of his administration and other policies.

Mr. Trump has even gone beyond a reminder This month. By affirming that many companies have filed abusive legal actions, he directed the Prosecutor General “to seek sanctions against lawyers and law firms that undertake in frivolous, unreasonable and harassing disputes against the United States”.

These adjectives are blurred. But the threats are clear. Giant law firms tend to have profitable businesses that help business customers make their way with the federal government, whether it is to win contracts or to defuse the investigations or to minimize the impact of the regulations. Being penalized by the government would be harmful to business.

Trump’s recent Broadsides have stunned the legal industry, many of whose practitioners are proud to pursue cases against the overcoming perceived by republican and democratic administrations.

Orders have revealed clear differences in the way powerful law firms want to manage an aggressive and unpredictable president. Three companies have sued to block Mr. Trump’s orders, clearly calling them unconstitutional. (Friday evening, the federal judges in Washington have issued temporary restriction orders that grant two companies, Jenner & Block and Wilmerhale, Relief of executive orders.)

Two more, Damage, Arps, Ardesia, Meagher and Flom AND Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton and GarrisonHe has made agreements with the president to avoid or revoke these orders.

Regardless of this, the moves of Mr. Trump have the potential – and perhaps the goal – to undermine people’s ability to challenge their government. “It is the deliberate intention of the president to cool the greatest law firms of the nation from representing cases that do not like,” said Cecillia D. Wang, national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, who has united important companies to bring cases against the administration. “I think you will see some law firms that start to retire.”

Deepok Gupta, the founder of the GUPTA WESSLER Law Firm, said he knew about the lawyers of the best corporate law firms that recently informed some pro bono customers who could no longer represent them because their companies were frightened by the executive orders and by the memo of Mr. Trump.

“He is already having an effect,” said GUPTA, that has caused The Trump administration on behalf of a fired member of the National Labor Relations Board and a union that represents employees of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. “This is not something that could happen in the future.”

There are parallels between the attacks of Mr. Trump to the legal industry and his campaign to limit or weaken other pillars of civic society. Mr. Trump and his helpers are having sued or studying the media who have produced critical coverage. And his administration is threatening to retain enormous sums of federal money from university who have not made his requests.

Even before the orders of Mr. Trump against law firms, the legal community was struggling to keep up with the heavy volume of his administration of legally questionable actions. Many small law firms and public interest groups have the desire and the skills of representing customers who assume the administration, but often rely on resources from larger companies, including the national armies of members and paralegals that can be shipped at a time – to help with the workload.

Large companies often manage these cases on a pro bono basis, which means that they are generally not paid for work. It was not a coincidence that Mr. Trump drowned The main companies to conduct “harmful activities through their powerful pro bono practices”. As part of their recent agreements with Mr. Trump, Paul Weiss and Skaddden they agreed to perform tens of millions of dollars of pro bono legal work for causes and customers, such as veterans, which Trump supports.

“The point is to intimidate people,” said Andrew G. Cali Jr., partner of Emery, Cali, Brinckerhoff, Abady, Ward & Maazel whose customers have included important democrats. As large companies get cold feet, “there will be cases that fall through the cracks or are not happy in the right way”.

It is ironic that a republican like Mr. Trump is trying to repress the dispute against the United States government. These causes have been among the most popular and powerful tools that conservatives have used to attack those that see too zealous and policies out of the democrats as zealous and policies.

For example, litigation limping The ability of the biden administration to forgive billions of dollars in student loans. In the Obama Administration, the Republicans and their lawyers used such seeds in an effort without success paralyze the affordable care act.

Trump recently complained of the way the “great law” is in the democrats pocket. But his real complaint seemed to be that the companies he had targeted with the executive orders employed lawyers who worked on investigations or legal cases against him. And, while some law firms tilt on the left, other greats specialize in serving Republicans.

Jones Day, one of the largest companies in the country with some measures, built a reputation In Washington, partly representing the campaign of Mr. Trump 2016 and then the staff of his first administration with his lawyers. It was among the companies that guided the legal challenges against Obama and Biden’s policies.

Trump has not publicly threatened Jones Day.

While many leaders of the company are conservatives, he also embraced liberal initiatives, including the construction of a formidable Pro bono practice Help migrants without documents along the Texas border with Mexico.

This is the type of work that Trump has recently attacked to other important law firms.

Laura K. Tuoll, the partner responsible for the pro bono activities of Jones Day and a frank sample of assistance for migrants, refused to comment if the company was reconciling that work in light of the threats of the Trump administration against law firms.

Devlin Barrett Contributed relationships.



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